Category Archives: Guns

Sunni Awakening in Lebanon

Syria’s Civil War is leaking out of its borders into Lebanon. The two countries share a porous border and very close communal ties. Cross-border ties between Lebanese and Syrians have deep roots, and with the Syrian revolution unfolding, solidarity took on a political and paramilitary character.

The Sunni-Shiite faultline in Lebanon is being projected onto the Syrian civil war. As tensions between Sunnis and Shiites rise in Syria, so too do they mount in Lebanon.
Sunni militants in Lebanon view their jihad against the Shiite movement as a mirror image of the Syrian rebels’ fight against the Alawite-dominated regime of Assad. They see the Lebanon’s Shiite movement of Hezbullah and the Assad regime as both enemies of the Sunnis.

In 1970, Hafez al-Assad, an Alawite, took power in Syria. Some Shiites recognize Alawites as fellow Shiites, some do not.

Hezbollah ("Party of Allah") is a Shiite jihadist group and political party based in Lebanon

The Assad regime has a history of lashing out when it feels under siege, coupled with a tradition of violent interference in Lebanese affairs to destabilise its neighbor.

Border areas have been caught in the Syrian revolution, with weapons smuggling, refugee flows and attacks against Lebanese villages along the frontier coming from Sunnis or Shiites, depending on the villagers’ allegiances.

Source: UN agency report, "Revised Syria Regional Response Plan"

The stream of refugees (most of them living with Lebanese host families or finding sanctuary in public spaces and mosallahs) has had political and military consequences as Lebanese Sunnis, bearing witness to the increasing brutality of the Assad regime, step up their involvement.

In the early stages of the Syrian Civil War, which began in March 2011, Sunni support for the Syrian opposition only consisted of fiery speeches and sermons, of public demonstrations against the Assad regime, and of modest smuggling of light weapons. But as the conflict hardened, logistical assistance also was extended to Syrians seeking refuge in Lebanon. Over time, the influx of refugees and dissidents into north Lebanon changed the nature of the border areas’ involvement.

Source: UN agency report, "Revised Syria Regional Response Plan"

Clashes among Sunnis and Shiites have been on the rise in Lebanon, with the risk of cascading violence turning into a Lebanese-on-Lebanese struggle by the knock-on effects of sectarian conflict. Often in Lebanon, communal belongings coincide with religious ones. When a Sunnni or a Shiite is killed or kidnapped, the whole community won’t rest until it takes revenge. Mutual retaliation between Lebanese Sunnis and Shiites could easily become a vicious and unending circle of violence.
Heightened insecurity is leading many armed groups to take matters into their own hands, with tit-for-tat kidnappings and killings, and with the erection of roadblocks that impede critical transportation routes.

Each Lebanon’s faction -- either Sunni or Shiite -- wagers on success by one Syrian side or the other, waiting to translate the ensuing regional balance of power into a domestic one.

The Shiite movement Hezbollah can not contemplate a future with a Sunni-dominated Syrian regime. The Assad regime constitutes Hezbollah’s immediate strategic depth as well as the bridge connecting it to Iran. The relationship between the two allies became organic and even personal, between Bashar Assad and Hassan Nasrallah.

After Syria’s 2005 military withdrawal from Lebanon, Hezbollah’s political independence rose. An asymmetrical relationship grew into a strategic partnership.
On a strategic level, Hezbollah has been engaged in a common struggle against the March 14 Alliance, Saudi Arabia, the U.S. and France – which they believe are intent on defeating the Assad regime and Iran.

The March 14 Alliance is a coalition whose elements are united by their anti-Assad-regime stance.

Hezbollah doubted that the Arab uprisings -- from Egypt to Barhain -- would spread in Syria because the Assad regime was considered to be in tune with Arab sentiment about the U.S., Israel and the Palestinians.

"I personally believe that Syrian President Assad believes and is serious and determined about reform…. I know that he is ready to undertake very serious reforms but calmly, with care and responsibility. This factor influences our stance …. In Bahrain the regime was closed. Mubarak was closed. Qadhafi was closed. Zein Al Abideen Bin Ali was closed. In Syria the regime is not closed. On the contrary, he is saying: I am ready and I believe in reforms and I am serious and I want to carry them out …. The fall of the regime is an Israeli-US interest, aiming at getting Syria to sign any peace deal with Israel. … As a resistance movement against Israel, we are required to adopt a responsible stance that is committed to the security and stability of Syria as a government and people."
-- Sayyed Nasrallah, May 25th, 2011

Hezbollah also views any threat to the Assad regime as a threat directed at its principal ally, Iran. The Assad regime has been Iran’s closest strategic partner for the past three decades, its bridgehead to the Levant, and a country without which Tehran’s ability to supply Hezbollah would be severely diminished.

In June 2006, Iranian defence minister Najjar stated that Iran "considers Syria's security its own security, and we consider our defense capabilities to be those of Syria."

If Hezbollah has tied its fate to the Assad regime, it also has to safeguard its posture in Lebanon -- not only at present, but also in anticipation of a regime change in Damascus. That is why it has acquiesced in policies that went against the interests of the Assad regime, while providing that same regime with practical support on the ground, such as lending snipers to Assad forces and killing Syrian protesters. United-States officials assert that Damascus, Hezbollah and Iran are in close military cooperation, even forming an elite militia.

Conversely, the Sunni-dominated Future Movement (Tayyar Al-Mustaqbal) of Lebanon and its Sunni partners see no alternative to the Assad regime’s demise, however long it will take and no matter the costs.

The Future Movement is now led by Saudi-Lebanese Saad-eddine Rafiq Al-Hariri

Lebanese Sunnis view the Syrian civil war as an opportunity to seek revenge against the Assad regime, as well as a chance to challenge Hezbollah’s hegemony in Lebanon.


Hezbollah continues to enjoy a lopsided military advantage in Lebanon over Sunnis, forcing them to think twice before challenging it. But confrontation would not serve the Shiite organisation, for it would attract further domestic and regional condemnation and isolation.

Sunnis are feeling gradually more emboldened, eager for revenge, while Shiites are feeling more and more exposed, fearful of their growing regional isolation.

"The emergence of Sunni power will change the balance of power in Lebanon"
-- Paul Salem (the director of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut, Lebanon)

The Syrian uprising is helping Sunni jihadists in both Lebanon and Syria bolster their standing and mutual ties that had been debilitated in the 1980s. Solidarity with their embattled brethren has led Sunnis to turn regions of Lebanon into sanctuaries and transit points for the supply of weapons to Syrian rebel forces and for staging ground for attacks by those Syrian rebels. This has been the case in northern Lebanon, notably the border regions of Tripoli and Akkar.

Arms smuggling into Syria began as a commercial affair, but has expanded with the Future Movement using Turkey as the hub for supporting armed opposition groups. The price of weapons rose as a result of mounting demand.

Source: The Daily Star

The price of weapons rose also as pro-Assad Lebanese authorities intercepted several large arms shipments.

In April 2012, Lebanese authorities intercepted a cargo ship, the Sierra-Leone-registered Lutfallah II (لطف الله ٢), in Lebanese waters. The ship was carrying three containers of heavy and light weapons destined for the rebels in Syria, according to BBC, 29 April 2012.

After the entry of the ship Lutfallah II into Lebanese waters and its discovery on April 28, two other warehouses full of imported weapons ("heavy machine guns, shells, rockets, rocket launchers and other explosives") for the Syrian opposition were uncovered on the coast of Tripoli.

The ship is reported to have begun its voyage from Libya, stopped off in Alexandria in Egypt, and finally headed for the port of Tripoli in northern Lebanon, before it was intercepted.

Many ships have been reported leaving the Misurata port in Libya and heading towards Tripoli in Lebanon, using Egyptian ports for “transit.”

Russia Today reports Franklin Lamb saying "There is an eyewitness, Hassan Diab, who saw the ship Lutfallah II, carrying a Sierra Leone flag, being loaded in Benghazi, Libya. We know that Qatar and Saudi Arabia control five warehouses in the area of Benghazi. So the great suspicion is that the intercepted arms are from those left over from the Libya campaign."
"The boat went from Tripoli to Turkey, back down to Egypt and then to Libya, then to Tripoli, Lebanon. It was seized on the way there," Mr. Lamb said.

The news service Akhbar wrote that "informed Egyptian sources" reported that an Egyptian port police saw the Lutfallah II transiting through Alexandria.

The owner of the ship is named Mohammed Khafaji (محمد خفاجي), a resident of Damietta, Egypt, who works for KHAFAJI MARITIME Co., "one of the leading shipping companies in Middle East", privately established in 1999, which provides "world-wide shipping, Managing, and Chartering services."

Ten years ago, Mohammed Khafaji bought the German-built Lutfallah II, whose load is 3,900 tons, from Denmark. He then bought another five ships five years ago. He is suspected of human trafficking, of transporting his human cargo from Egypt to Greece, from where the trafficked persons would make their way into Europe through networks of commercial mafias.
As for Khafaji’s involvement in using his ship for arms smuggling, sources indicated to the Ahbar News Service that a voyage from the port of Alexandria to Tripoli normally costs around US$20,000.
The ship was only carrying three containers and the regular price per container is between US$1,500 and US$2,000. This means that the total market price he would have received for the trip to Tripoli would amount to no more than US$6,000.
Information about the ship was apparently obtained by an official Lebanese security agency while the weapons were being packed in Libya.
The manifest says that each of the three containers on board were carrying 31 tons, which is beyond the capacity of the containers.
Even more peculiar is that the ship’s number does not appear in the insurance documents, contrary to maritime transport regulations.

The owner of the shipping company, Motaweh Omar Rima, was in Saudi Arabia when he was contacted by a group of Syrian rebels asking him to support the “Syrian revolution.”
It came through a Lebanese person who said that the plan was to unload the shipment and transport it to pre-arranged locations in Akkar, from which it will be taken to Syria.

Sunni Lebanese jihadists coordinated with Syrian fighters to carry not only weapons, but also injured fighters into Lebanon in order to provide them with medical treatment. They established mobile clinics, offering treatment to the injured and arranging special transportation of the severely wounded to hospitals.

The black flag of Sunni islam, "There is no god but allah, muhammad is allah's messenger"

The Sunnis in the north of Lebanon harbour deep resentment towards the conduct of the Assad regime over the past decades and feel solidarity with their Syrian brethren. This anger and hostility has a longstanding history. In the early 1980s, the violent crackdown of the Assad regime against the Muslim Brotherhood pushed many Syrian Sunnis into northern Lebanon, where they were received and sheltered.

Between 1982 and 1985, Tripoli witnessed intense fighting pitting Sunni jihadi groups such as Al-Tawhid against the Syrian Army before the latter assumed control of the city.
During the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990), Syrian security services and their Lebanese allies – including many Alawites – detained, tortured, killed and otherwise persecuted a lot of Lebanese Sunni jihadists.
In the course of the Assad regime’ post-war tutelage of Lebanon (1990-2005), Hezbollah’s ongoing empowerment coupled with the sidelining of Rafic Hariri, a Sunni leader, solidified the Sunnis' belief in their marginalisation.

Former Lebanese prime minister Rafic Baha El Deen Al-Hariri led the Future Movement. The billionaire tycoon reclaimed Beirut's architectural heritage from the shattered cityscape of a civil war and made it his mission to restore Lebanon's mercantile leadership.

Al-Hariri was assassinated in February 2005.

"Shortly after the blast, the Director of Al-Jazeera TV in Beirut received a telephone call from a man who stated that the Nasra and Jihad Group in Greater Syria claimed responsibility for the assassination of Mr. Hariri." (Source)

A Lebanese police officer and U.N. investigators unearthed extensive circumstantial evidence implicating Hezbollah, according to an investigation by the Canadian Broadcasting Corp.

The U.N. International Independent Investigation Commission's report, based on examination of Lebanese phone records, suggested Hezbollah officials communicated with the owners of cell phones used to coordinate the detonation that killed Hariri and 22 others as they traveled through Beirut in an armed convoy (according to Lebanese and U.N. phone analysis obtained by CBC and shared with The Washington Post).

Nasrallah claimed Israel killed Hariri. But in October 2005, U.N. prosecutor Detlev Mehlis issued a report saying that al-Hariri's assassination "could not have been taken without the approval of top-ranked Syrian security officials and could not have been further organized without the collusion of their counterparts in the Lebanese security forces."

The CBC's reporting also uncovered an internal U.N. document indicating Wissam al-Hassan was considered as a potential suspect.

Al-Hassan oversaw security for Hariri at the time of the assassination but claimed he had taken the day off to take an examination at a university...

Al-Hassan was the head of the Information Unit of the Lebanese Internal Security Forces (I.S.F.) at the time.

An internal U.N. memo dated March 10, 2008, said Hassan's "alibi is weak and inconsistent" and recommended that he be "investigated quietly."

Jamil Al Sayyed, the former head of the General Directorate of General Security, was also, apparently, involved in the assassination of Rafic Hariri.

Eventually, al-Hassan's intelligence unit, relying on telecommunications analysis, uncovered the network that monitored Rafik Hariri just before his death. The Information Unit's findings were incorporated into the U.N. investigation and lead to the indictment of four individuals connected with Hezbollah.

This episode added to a sense of vulnerability among Lebanese Sunnis.

The perceived loss of Iraq to both Shiite rule and Iranian influence further fuelled the sense that Sunnis are being threatened by a "Shia Crescent."

Meanwhile, the socio-economic decline of the northern Lebanon -- neglected by Beirut and largely cut off from its Syrian hinterland given bitter relations with Damascus -- exacerbated Sunni feelings of abandonment.

But now -- as Sunni jihadists in northern Lebanon shelter and protect Syrians who crossed the border, -- they reactivate ties that had been debilitated in the 1980s, thereby breaking with their sense of isolation and reconnecting with their communal, Sunni identity. Sunni jihadists in the north of Lebanon champion the Syrian uprising as their own cause, considering themselves the pioneers of resistance against the Assad regime.

The financial aid destined to the Syrian revolution contributes to a broader Sunni mobilisation, with jihadist Sunni Lebanese joining Syrian rebels in establishing networks of wealthy donors. An active fundraising network progressively emerged, with money coming chiefly from Gulf Arab states and individuals as well as from wealthy Syrian expatriates and Islamic charitable organisations. Lebanese militants and NGOs play an intermediary role between donors and recipients, among them combatants. Ever since Saudi Arabia and Qatar decided to back the Free Syrian Army, Sunni jihadists have been receiving more funds for Syrian fighters.

Sunni jihadists in Lebanon are joining a broader, region-wide sentiment of Sunni rebirth in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and elsewhere. Buoyed by both the Syrian revolution and these regional trends, Lebanon’s Sunnis have not hesitated to confront their own authorities.

When, on 14 May 2012, members of Directorate General of the General Security – a Lebanese intelligence agency whose head has close ties to Hezbollah – arrested Lebanese Sunni Shadi Mawlawi, local jihadists rose up in various Tripoli neighbourhoods.

Violent clashes broke out between Jabal Mohsen and Bab Tebbaneh, Tripoli’s Alawite and Sunni strongholds respectively. It took Mawlawi’s release a week later to restore calm.

Shadi Mawlawi carrying the black flag of Sunni islam after his release.

Likewise, the 20 May 2012 killing at an army checkpoint in Akkar of Sheikh Ahmad Abdel Wahed, a Sunni cleric – another backer of the Syrian uprising – prompted a show of Sunni force.

Sheikh Ahmad Abdel Wahed

Sunni gunmen attending the funeral of Sheikh Ahmad Abdel Wahed. (Source)

In the wake of these incidents, Sunni armed groups called for the Lebanese Army’s withdrawal from the whole Akkar District. Several Sunni leaders went as far as to encourage Sunni soldiers to defect from the Lebanese armed forces, which is viewed as sympathetic to Hezbollah and the Assad regime.

And as news of Wissam al-Hassan’s assassination spread on 19 October, armed groups and masked men carrying the black flag of Sunni islam took to the streets of Tripoli, where gunmen forced the closure of shops, Akkar and other areas, including Beirut.

Major General Wissam Adnan al-Hassan was seen as a leading Sunni figure in Lebanon.

On October 19, a car exploded in the heart of Beirut’s Christian district. It destroyed cars, shattered shop windows, caused significant damage to surrounding buildings, killed Wissam al-Hassan and two others, and wounded over a hundred.

In addition to his leading role in the Lebanese intelligence apparatus, al-Hassan was close to Lebanon’s anti-Assad March 14 Alliance and had strong ties with the family of Rafik Hariri. After all, Saad Hariri kept him within his inner circle despite the continued whispering about his whereabouts during the 2005 assassination of his father, and despite the fact that he was deeply distrusted by many of Saad Hariri’s allies, not only for his shadowy dealings in the U.N. investigation, but also for his role in the government’s crackdown on Fatah al-Islam. Leaked cables revealed that al-Hassan played the role of intermediary between Saad Hariri and Hezbollah, brokering a deal that allowed the Shiite movement to maintain its fiber-optics network in exchange for political concessions. Under Hassan’s leadership, the I.S.F. also helped roll up a vast network of Israeli spies in Lebanon, cooperating with Hezbollah to uncover a string of informants. And in 2010, Hassan was invited to Damascus as part of a campaign by the Syrian and Saudi governments to improve relations between the Sunnis and Shiites in Lebanon. Despite this ambiguous role of middleman between Sunnis and Shiites, Saad Hariri elevated al-Hassan to higher positions of power.

The assassination of al-Hassan weakens the Lebanese security services at a critical time.

[T]he unit that al-Hassan headed had been particularly effective in the last few months, arresting former information minister Michel Samaha -- one of Assad’s closest Lebanese associates -- who was caught red-handed attempting to smuggle explosives from Syria into Lebanon. The unit was also instrumental in the investigation into the assassination of Rafik Hariri as well as cases exposing Israeli spy networks in Lebanon.

-- Paul Salem, "Lebanon’s Fragile Peace Will Hold Despite Blow"

Michel Samaha on the left

Before his death, in August, the I.S.F. moved to arrest Michel Samaha. Hassan accused Samaha of smuggling explosives into Lebanon in order to carry out assassinations and drag the country into sectarian strife.

There was something surreal about the Samaha arrest: A high-profile political figure had been caught by a Lebanese police unit with evidence so compelling — reportedly even extensive video and audio footage and witness testimony — that none of Samaha’s pro-Syrian allies came to his defense. The highly public nature of the scandal and the brazen use of the media to air details of the alleged plot seemed to suggest defiance on Hassan’s part in the face of a weakened Syrian regime.

Hariri said shortly after the explosion that killed Hassan, “We have always thought Bashar al-Assad has killed Rafik Hariri, and today he has also killed Wissam al-Hassan.

Hariri may be right, but the question of who killed Hassan seems less important than why he was killed at all, and why now.

-- Elias Muhanna

The assassination of al-Hassan inflamed the Sunnis of the March 14 Alliance. It was immediately followed by a great outpouring of grief and anger. Protesters and mourners condemned the bombing and called on the government of Prime Minister Najib Mikati to step down. There was considerable unrest throughout Lebanon for a few days.

The current goal of Lebanese Sunni jihadists is to turn the north of Lebanon into a de facto Sunni enclave, a Sunni bastion where their domination would go unchecked and where they would feel free to develop military capabilities in the service of an incipient Sunni Caliphate.

Efforts to boost their military capacity are intended to produce parity with Hezbollah so as to deter any Shiite foray in the north. Sunni jihadists are now challenging the Lebanese Army’s position in the north in order to curtail its ability to constrain them and to curb efforts aimed at boosting the Syrian revolution. They want the Army to turn a blind eye on the arms and fighters that are being smuggled into Syria as well as on Syrian and Lebanese jihadists’ activities.


Ann Barnhardt is Going to Rome to Face Down Caesar-Obama

What is freedom? Freedom is to be alive in Jesus Christ. Freedom isn’t keeping your money or your house or your car or your shit. Freedom isn’t going hither and yon whenever you please. Freedom isn’t earthly liberty. Earthly liberty is a mere derivative of authentic freedom, which is Jesus Christ Himself.

Reject Christ, and you’re already a slave, and thus earthly liberty will be impossible. That’s why this is happening. This nation has rejected Christ and thus the earthly liberty that WAS a derivative of a Christian culture is now rapidly evanescing. This nation has embraced evil, and with evil inevitably comes chains.

Day by day, link by link, this nation is forging its own chains, and it is so far gone that even the Christians are happily embracing the chains, ridiculing and desperately trying to convince those few who refuse to be chained that the only way to be free is to bow down and put on the chains too.

Well, to hell with that shit, I say.

Ann Barnhardt

Ann says the Obama régime FORCES each American citizen to choose between Caesar and Christ. It forces this choice upon the people since ObamaCare mandates that all citizens, employers and institutions pay for abortion, sterilization and contraception.

“We can CONSENT,” says Ann, “to pay taxes in a spirit of truth, justice, solidarity and freedom, but only if those four specific ends are served by our taxes.”

But subsidizing ObamaCare with our taxes is a sin.

Do we have to pay taxes? Do we have a choice? Are we going to be held to account for subsidizing abortion?
What if paying taxes puts you in violation of the First Commandment (I AM the LORD thy God; thou shalt not have strange gods before me.)?

“Render unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s” is NOT a release from the First Commandment.
— Ann Barnhardt

Don’t you think that, by forcing you to break God’s Law in order to follow the laws of the state, the Obama régime forces you to choose between Caesar and Christ? Or is this a false dichotomy?

— Ann Barnhardt

If you agree that the Obama Régime is utterly lawless, why would you still consent to pay taxes? Why would you continue subsidizing it? Is it that you feel you owe Caesar something?

Ann is putting her money where her mouth is. She declared a tax strike. And on October 27, the IRS confiscated her bank account.

Yesterday, Ann talked about her tax strike with BigFurHat.

And today, she responded to a few comments of the iOwnTheWorld thread:

part 2, Part 3, part 4, part 5, part 6.

“We have the chance to walk straight back into Rome at the side of Our Lord, face Caesar and show the world how Christians stand and face evil, and bend our knee ONLY to Our Crucified Lord.

And then … watch what happens.

I know where I’m going. I’m going to Rome to face down Caesar Obama and be crucified with Our Lord who already has and will have the Final Victory. If you should meet Our Lord as you are exiting Rome, will you turn around, take up your cross and go with Him, or will you lower your eyes and pretend not to see Him?

Where are YOU going?
Quo Vadis?”

Ann Barnhardt

If He is what He claimed to be, a Savior, a Redeemer, then we have a virile Christ and a leader worth following in these terrible times; One Who will step into the breach of death, crushing sin, gloom and despair; a leader to Whom we can make totalitarian sacrifice without losing, but gaining freedom, and Whom we can love even unto death. We need a Christ today Who will make cords and drive the buyers and sellers from our new temples; Who will blast the unfruitful fig-trees; Who will talk of crosses and sacrifices and Whose voice will be like the voice of the raging sea. But He will not allow us to pick and choose among His words, discarding the hard ones, and accepting the ones that please our fancy. We need a Christ Who will restore moral indignation, Who will make us hate evil with a passionate intensity, and love goodness to a point where we can drink death like water.

Archbishop Fulton J. Sheen “Life of Christ”, AD 1958

Ann Barnhardt: “The Economy Is Going To Implode”

The Coming American Collapse and Civil War

Matt Bracken: “When The Music Stops – How America’s Cities May Explode In Violence

Matt Bracken believes that the Second American Civil War will begin with the rejection of Electronic Benefit Transfer (EBT) Foodstamps cards. He pictures many, many U.S. cities in the thrall of riots greater than those experienced in Los Angeles in 1965 (Watts) and in 1992 (Rodney King), in New York during the 1977 blackout looting and the 1991 Crown Heights riot.

In the ex-SEAL’s scenario, the initial riots begin across urban areas with a lot of SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) recipients. As soon as those welfare recipients learn that their EBT cards no longer function, they will be angry and they will fear to go hungry. This combination of anger and fear will lead to flash-mobs looting local supermarkets, shops and restaurants.

The ransacked supermarkets, convenience stores, ATMs and gas stations will not be restocked due to the security situation. Any truck loaded with food or gasoline would be subject to attack unless protected by security forces. But since powerful security forces will not be available soon enough, resupply will not take place immediately in the affected areas. These delays in the physical delivery of food will lead to more riots.
The “food riots” will become a grass-roots movement born out of sheer hunger. And cell phone technology will provide all the organization a flash mob needs to grow into a huge gathering.

The flash mobs will next move to the borders of their urban enclaves, to concentrate on major intersections and highway interchanges where suburbans commute. People making a living will still be using those roads to get to their job.

The clashes between the urban mobs and the suburban commuters will resemble the intersection of Florence and Normandie during the Rodney King riots in 1992, except that with texting and Twitter, there will be hundreds of thugs within minutes instead of a few dozen, terrorizing intersections.

Rioters will throw into an intersection obstacles such as shopping carts and trash cans. Drivers will have to pause. Traffic will be forced into gridlock for blocks in all directions. The mobs, armed with everything from knives, clubs, pistols to AK-47s, will then swarm the lines of trapped cars. Drivers and passengers will be pulled from their vehicles to be beaten, robbed, raped and killed.
Some of the commuters’ deaths will be captured on traffic web cameras and cell phones. Horrible scenes will be shown on YouTube, Facebook, Twitter.

Ordinary police patrol cars in small numbers will not venture anywhere near such roiling masses of angry rioters, not even to perform rescues. And SWAT teams and riot squads won’t be in position nearly in time. To gear up for a single flash-mob major-street-intersection riot, city police departments will require at least an hour, and several hours to mount a response sufficient to quell the disturbance, mop up lingering rioters, restore security, and bring medical attention to the living and get medical examiners to the dead. And each jurisdiction will face a multitude of such scenes.
By the time police officers are suited in riot gear, armed and geared up to sweep the targeted intersection, it will be virtually empty of rioters. The police will be fighting flash mobs that materialize, cause mayhem, and evaporate in minutes. This rapid cycle time is an obvious lesson taken from riots by French Muslims in their own enclaves and bordering areas.

The American flash mob riot will exist inside the law enforcement loop. The rioters will have a much, much quicker reaction time than the police, immediately spreading word of every police preparation by text-messaging and Tweets, even in advance of the police movement.

As soon as an awareness of law enforcement impotence is spread by television and social media, the situation spirals out of control. When the mobs will have recognized that their street riots cannot be stopped by the police, they will grow fearsome. The violence will spread to unaffected cities.
In the absence of any viable security arrangements, supermarkets and other stores will not be restocked, leaving the rioters even more hungry and angry than before. And the increasing rage born of worsening hunger will refuel the escalating spiral of violence.

Vehicle traffic by suburban commuters through adjoining areas will virtually halt, wrecking what is left of the local economy. Businesses will not open because employees won’t be able to travel to work. Businesses in urban areas will all be looted. Enclaves of affluent suburbanites within or near the urban zones will suffer repeated attacks, until their inhabitants flee.

Rioters will hold critical infrastructure corridors through their areas. Highways, railroad tracks, pipe and power lines will all be under threat, or may be cut. Even airports will be affected, since many of them have been absorbed into urban areas. Aircrafts will come under sporadic fire while taking off and landing.

In the absence of new targets blundering into their areas, and still out of food, the rioters will begin to forage beyond their neighborhoods, into suburban borderlands. Supermarkets and other stores will be robbed in gang attacks. Carjackings and home invasions will proliferate wildly.

Mixed-ethnic areas will suffer the worst violence, will become chaotic killing zones, with no effective help coming from the police. The number and ferocity of home invasions will skyrocket. Individual homes and apartment buildings located in open grid-pattern neighborhoods with outside access from many directions will be almost impossible to defend against. The home invasions will continue.

This will lead to a total loss of confidence in the government’s ability to provide security across all social lines, all neighborhoods. Stray bullets striking pedestrians or penetrating houses and cars will take a high toll, even in areas previously considered to be safe.

Surface-to-Air Missiles Captured from the 46th Regiment Base

In both Idlib and Aleppo, the Free Syrian Army is expanding its hold on territory.

The rebels took control of the last bastion of regime forces in the province of Aleppo and the biggest military base.
The prisoners from the base:

They acquired military tanks, rocket launchers, heavy artillery, arms & ammunition, mines and even anti-tank mines.

The FSA has captured a stockpile of weapons able to endanger Assad’s air power in Aleppo.

Those 2 videos show an SA-16 anti-aircraft missile launcher.

This video shows multiple rocket launchers:

This video shows field artillery piece:

This video shows anti-tank-mines:

We should see these weapons in action in coming days…

Slingshots, a Pickup Truck and a TNT Bomb

Was Libya Sending Jihadis and Running Guns to Syria?

Abdulhakim Belhadj went from Libya to Istanbul.
The Daily Telegraph:

Abdulhakim Belhadj, head of the Tripoli Military Council and the former leader of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, “met with FSA leaders in ISTANBUL and on the border with Turkey,” said a [U.S.] military official working with Mr Belhadj. “Mustafa Abdul Jalil [the interim Libyan president of Libya] sent him there.”

According to U.S. military officials working with Belhadj and quoted by the Daily Telegraph, Belhadj met with Free Syrian Army leaders in Istanbul and on the Turkey-Syria border.
This suggests that Belhadj is coordinating with people in Turkey. Abdelhakim Belhadj’s contact with the Syrian Free Army was apparently part of a Libyan delegation to Turkey offering arms and fighters to Syrian rebels.

The Daily Telegraph on Saturday [November 26 2011] revealed that the new Libyan authorities had offered money and weapons to the growing insurgency against Bashar al-Assad. Mr Belhaj also discussed sending Libyan fighters to train troops, [our] source said. Having ousted one dictator, triumphant young men, still filled with revolutionary fervour, are keen to topple the next. The commanders of armed gangs still roaming Tripoli’s streets said yesterday that “hundreds” of fighters wanted to wage war against the Assad regime.

According to the New York Times, CIA operatives were on the Turkish-Syrian border this summer helping to steer weapons deliveries to selected Syrian rebel groups, most of them “hard-line Islamic jihadists.” One of those jihadis was Abdelhakim Belhadj.

The aftermath of the “intervention” in Libya boosted the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group Belhadj was leading. His band had formed an al-Qaeda Front, a front linked both to Al-Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood. Compare the Coats of Arms.

The Libyan revolution spilled Gaddafi’s stockpiles of weapons around, and the bulk of those weapons has been making its way into Turkey, where rebels are being guided by CIA operatives and Turkish intelligence agents to transport them into Syria.

The Obama regime
In March 2011, the Reuters news service reported that “President Barack Obama has signed a secret order authorizing covert U.S. government support for rebel forces seeking to oust Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.” That means the Obama regime did provide the rebels in Libya with guns and probably cash. At a hearing on March 31 2011, before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Republican Chairwoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen askedWhat assurances do we have that they will not pose a threat to the United States if they succeed in toppling Qaddafi?” “The record on transfers of military-related items involving Libya is also disconcerting,” she says. “For example, for over a year, I requested a detailed national interest justification for two proposed weapons transfers to Libya.

The Obama régime has been running guns and armaments and munitions to the Muslim Brotherhood in Libya and its affiliate jihadi groups, including heat-seeking shoulder-launched surface-to-air missiles designed to shoot down jetliners. After the Libyan revolution, with Gaddafi dead and a new regime in place, the American mission in Libya has been trying to buy back weapons the Obama régime sold or gave to the Muslim Brotherhood and went “missing.” The Administration was also trying to buy back weapons previously owned by the Gaddafi régime that spread everywhere after the revolution.
Peter Bouckaert, Human Rights Watch emergencies director, told CNN that “in every city we arrive, the first thing to disappear are the surface-to-air missiles.” “We are talking about some 20,000 surface-to-air missiles in all of Libya, and I’ve seen cars packed with themhe said.
Those missiles can fetch several thousands of dollars on the black market, and the United States has spent hundreds of millions of dollars trying to buy them back.
A month after the October 2011 death of Gaddafi, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced in Tripoli that the United States “has committed to providing $40 million dollars to assist Libya’s efforts to secure and recover its weapons stockpiles.”
“The rebels came from all over the western mountains, and they just took what they wanted,” said Riyad to the New York Times, “a supervisor of the ruined arsenal’s small contingent of rebel guards.”

According to a report (PDF) by the UN Support Mission in Libya, Gaddafi had accumulated a large stockpile of MANPADs, and although thousands were destroyed during the 2011 military intervention in Libya, there were “increasing concerns over the looting and likely proliferation of these portable defence systems, as well as munitions and mines, highlighting the potential risk to local and regional stability.”
As soon as islamic organizations outside Libya realized Manpads were available, they tried to get them.

When the Obama régime discovered that thousands of MANPADs had “disappeared” and were “on the loose in Libya,” it turned around and stuck a LOT of cash in the Benghazi CIA “annex”, or “safehouse,” in order to BUY those weapons back.
On September the 11th 2012, Ambassador Stevens is attacked at the Main Compound of the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, Libya. At this time, former SEALs Glen Doherty and Tyrone S. Woods, both working under the State Department (on contract to the CIA), were at the CIA “annex,” a second compound 1.2 miles away.

This CIA annex was a very high value target. It contained a LOT of cash for the Benghazi Gun Running, as well as weapons, and a case files containing the names of the folks who were assisting the US diplomatic mission in this regard.
Tyrone Woods was providing security for CIA operatives at the “annex.” Glen Dougherty had arrived on a rescue flight dispatched by the CIA Chief of Station in Tripoli.
Both ex SEALs died during the attack, and the terrorists got to keep all of the arms and cash of the CIA “annex.”
Ansar al-Shariah took credit for the attack.

The black flag of the logo means this group is an al-Qaeda Front.

Benghazi was staffed by CIA operatives, working for the State Department, whose job was a) to secure dangerous weapons (like rocket-propelled grenades and shoulder-fired missiles) looted from Gaddafi’s stockpiles during and after the 2011 revolution, and b) to facilitate the onward shipment of those weapons to Syria and other countries.

Was Ambassador Stevens’ job to cover for all of this? It looks like Ambassador Stevens was acting, on behalf of the State Department, as an interface between post-Gaddafi Libya and the revolutionary war in Syria.

Ambassador Chris Stevens and the CIA in Benghazi were somehow, some way running or heavily involved in a pipeline of money, weapons and information being routed from Libya to Syria.

On June 21, 2012, the New York Times reported that since March, there is a game-changing “influx of weapons and ammunition to the [Syrian] rebels.”

In August 2012, Reuters reported that “President Barack Obama has signed a secret order authorizing U.S. support for rebels seeking to depose Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his government.” That means authorizing selling or giving weapons to the rebels.

Fox News Bureau Chief of Intelligence Catherine Herridge said that the role played by the U.S. mission in Libya was to control the movement of weapons out of Libya to Syrian rebels. The president of the Center for Security Policy said the Obama régime played a key role in “engaging, legitimating, enriching and emboldening Islamists who have taken over or are ascendant in much of the Middle East.”

The Turkish Consul General Ali Sait Akin
If the Obama regime was indeed running guns with the Muslim Brotherhood or an al-Qaeda Front, what about the last visit Ambassador Stevens received before the attack on 9/11 2012?

According to a briefing of the State Department, Ambassador Christopher Stevens held his last meeting of the day on September 11 with Turkish Consul General Ali Sait Akin from 7:30pm to 8:30pm. At that point, the briefing said, “Everything is calm at 8:30 p.m. There’s nothing unusual.”
But according to Associated Press, said that “[the] neighbors all described the militants setting up checkpoints around the compound at about 8 p.m.” The checkpoints were described as being manned by bearded jihadis in pickup trucks mounted with machine guns and bearing the logo of Ansar al-Shariah, which is an al-Qaeda Front.

So the Turkish Consul General had to pass out through the blockade as he departed the American compound and left the area. Did he phone a warning to Ambassador Stevens? Nope, he didn’t.
And how did the Turk get through the newly-established terrorist checkpoints? — since “no one could get out or in,” (according to a neighbor interviewed by AP).

This points to Turkey playing a role in the murder of Ambassador Stevens and in the gun running from Libya to Syria.

Another elements points to this: the Al-Entisar.

The Al Entisar

The Libyan-flagged vessel Al Entisar (The Victory) was on the port of Malta on Ausgust 27 2012.

And according to a Fox News investigation, shipping records confirmed that the Al Entisar docked at the Turkish port of Iskenderun on September 6. Iskanderun, or ‘Alexandrette’ on the map below is quite close to Idlib (where the Syrian revolution is raging now).

Fox News reported that, according to a report by the Times of London (September 14, 2012), the Al Entisar was carrying 400 tons of cargo when it dock in Iskanderun.

Some of it was humanitarian, but also reportedly weapons, described by the report as the largest consignment of weapons headed for Syria’s rebels on the frontlines.

The cargo reportedly included surface-to-air anti-aircraft missiles, rocket-propelled grenades and shoulder-launched missiles.

According to Fox News, the captain of the Al Entisar told the Times of London that “there was a FIGHT about the weapons and who got what between the Free Syrian Army and the Muslim Brotherhood.

The group accused of operating the Al Entisar is the Foundation for Human Rights, and Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief (IHH), “an islamic Turkish NGO.” IHH was behind the “Free Gaza Movement.” It is a registered charity based in Cyprus, and banned by Israel in 2008.
According to the Jewish Chronicle Online, FSA commanders have indeed told The Times that “a boat containing weapons,” [probably the Al-Entisar] that docked in Syria the week of September 14, 2012, and was “registered to members of the IHH.”
“IHH,” wrote the BBC, “raises some of its money from Islamic religious groups and has strong sympathy among Turkey’s Islamist-rooted ruling party.”

According to the Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, the islamic Turkish organization is an overt supporter of Hamas, which is an islamic militant group (founded by the Muslim Brotherhood) that seized power in Gaza in 2007. According to the BBC, “The ITIC says it also has evidence the IHH has helped provide weapons and funds for ‘Islamic terrorist elements in the Middle East‘.” The ITIC has reliable information indicating that in the past IHH had links with global jihad and Islamic terrorist elements in the Middle East. Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Daniel Ayalon said, “The organisers are well-known for their ties with global Jihad, al-Qaeda and Hamas. They have a history of arms smuggling and deadly terror.”

So we shall speculate that the IHH has been involved in the gun-running from Libya to Syria on behalf of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Samar Srewel, reportedly an FSA activist who had helped to organise the naval consignment, reportedly told The Times:

The Muslim Brotherhood, through its ties in Turkey, was seizing control of this ship and the cargo. This is what they do. They buy influence with their money and guns.

The U.S. mission in Benghazi was participative in running weapons from Libya to Syria via Turkey. Then something went wrong at delivery: Free Syrian Army members fought elements of the Muslim Brotherhood over the cargo.

Five days after this fight, a Turkish diplomat will help set up the assassination of Ambassador Stevens, and the subsequent looting of the CIA annex, which was full of weapons and cash.

Ambassador Chris Stevens and the CIA were somehow, some way running or heavily involved in this armament pipeline. And Turkey was acting as the nexus of this pipeline of weapons and information being routed to Syria. Turkey was the nexus, and Libya the doorway to get arms in for distribution to Syria.

This is the NGO that was running the flotilla trying to break Israel’s blockade of Gaza since 2008.

Massive Gathering of The Shields (Jamal Maarouf)

Maarouf is the leader of the Shields.

And as a friend commented:

SO much effort put in the shooting of this video! They want to show their numbers, their weapons: it’s like Braveheart, something out of the medieval age, the soldier on the hill, blocking the horizon. Stunning.

Yes indeed. It’s a way to get money, to get SPONSORED.

The game being played is bipolar.

On one pole, we have what I call the *Istanbul Exchange Room,* — financiers who want to back the winning coalition of warriors — in order to win a seat at the table of power of the new Syrian state.

On the other pole, you have gangs of warriors marketing themselves on YouTube and the Internet to get elected by that money.

This is why we will be able to follow the war via FaceBook and blogs.